The doctrine of equality is ingrained both in theory and in the express provisions of Lesotho’s constitution.
Articles on Separation of powers
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Declaring an issue is a national emergency lets presidents act quickly and with few constraints. But once they get this kind of power, it’s hard to take it back – and it can produce bad policies.
President Trump’s likely to be acquitted by the Senate in his impeachment trial. But the impeachment’s effects won’t end until lawsuits are resolved.
An expert on Watergate says that today’s House Republicans have taken precisely the opposite position than the GOP took in 1974 on the president’s power to withhold documents from Congress.
The impeachment vote is the latest, and most extreme, example of a power struggle between the executive branch and Congress that has existed since George Washington was president.
The process known as policy analysis requires careful consideration and deliberation. In most cases, the public also gets to weigh in.
The Trump administration has once again tried to change immigration law, this time enacting severe limits on the rights of asylum-seekers. An immigration law expert says only Congress can do that.
President Trump has invoked executive privilege to stymie congressional investigators. Another president, Richard Nixon, did the same thing. It helped Nixon hold onto power – but only for a while.
The constitutional conflict between Congress and President Trump over his emergency declaration has potential to undermine centuries of checks and balances between the two branches of government.
Will the public ever see a report from Robert Mueller’s investigation of possible collusion between the Trump campaign and Russia? Maybe not. There are big legal hurdles to making it public.
After the recent government shutdown and breakdowns in functioning within all three branches, it looks like the separation of powers system is broken or unbalanced. It is – and it isn’t.
Under new WA legislation, the state’s attorney-general has the power to order serial killers and mass murders remain in jail, sometimes without judicial review.
South Africa’s local governments lack a clear separation of legislative and executive powers.
Donald Trump is far from the first president to politicise the judiciary, but the way he’s going about it is uniquely dangerous.
Opposition leader Mmusi Maimane’s takeover of responsibility for tackling the Western Cape water crisis blurs party and state lines.
A survey asked Americans what they would do if the Supreme Court started making many unpopular decisions. Here’s what they said.
What South Africa’s opposition parties want Parliament and the courts to do would damage the country’s democracy.
A motion of no confidence - secret or open - in South Africa’s president will be destabilising. There’s value in ensuring that such a hefty decision is made openly and with courage of conviction.
How will Mueller perform as special counsel? A historian compares his actions with another former FBI director to find out.
Revenge is sweet – but if the Democrats indulge in it, they could dramatically weaken a whole branch of the US government.
Top contributors
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Professor Emeritus of Public Law, University of Cape Town
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Professor of Law, University of the Witwatersrand
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Head of Department, Public and Environmental Law Department, University of Limpopo
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Distinguished Fellow in Law and Government, Dickinson Law, Penn State
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Associate Professor of American History and Politics, University of East Anglia
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Professor of Law, University of California, Berkeley
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Professor of Law, University of Kansas
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Professor of Sociology and Social Policy, University of Sydney
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Research Specialist, the Miller Center, University of Virginia
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Professor Political Science and Director of McCourtney Institute for Democracy, Penn State
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Professor of Law, University of Technology Sydney
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ARC DECRA Fellow, Australian National University
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Professor of Political Science, Penn State
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Professor of Law, UNSW Law School, UNSW
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Senior Lecturer in Criminology and Social Policy, The University of Queensland