- Associate Professor (Adj), Griffith Asia Institute; and Fellow, Strategic and Defence Studies Centre, Australian National University
One year into a conflict in Europe that many thought impossible, we are likely about to rediscover just how world-shaping wars can be.
Germany’s dithering over whether to send tanks to Ukraine reflects deepening divisions in NATO over how involved it wants to get in the war. The West needs a clearer strategy.
Ultimately, Putin’s bequest to his people is grimness, not greatness. The next generation of Russians will be untrusted and unwanted in many of the world’s most prosperous and welcoming nations.
This explosion in Przewodow is unlikely to trigger a wider war. But it will have repercussions for Vladimir Putin and his flailing invasion of Ukraine.
There are 3 reasons why Russia’s loss of Kherson – if Moscow’s claims are accurate – will likely prove decisive for the future of the war, and potentially Putin’s own fortunes too.
There are 3 reasons why we shouldn’t discount the possibility that defeat in Ukraine might make the Kremlin’s edifice crumble.
How does Putin extract himself from this mess? The only way to do so is to win the war in Ukraine, or at least to win sufficient concessions that would permit him to spin it as a victory.
Les signes se multiplient que l’emprise de Vladimir Poutine sur la Russie commence à s’effriter, même si sa disparition n’est pas pour demain.
There are now definite signs his grip on power is starting to fray, even if Putin’s demise may still be some way off.
This is policy on the fly. At best it will buy Putin time over another cold Ukrainian winter. At worst it will result in battlefield chaos and potentially mass slaughter.
Vladmir Putin has a new problem. His invasion of Ukraine is not just bogged down. It’s going backwards.
Son nom restera à jamais associé au démantèlement de l’URSS, qu’il n’a pourtant pas souhaité. Retour sur la vie de Mikhaïl Gorbatchev, l’un des acteurs historiques les plus marquants du XXᵉ siècle.
Como otros fracasados reformadores de la historia, el principal legado de Gorbachov es recordarnos lo que podría haber sido, pero no fue.
Like other tragic reformers in history, Gorbachev’s chief legacy is to remind us about what might have been, rather than what subsequently transpired.
Putin simultaneously seeks to control Ukraine, to dominate Russia’s region, and to hasten the fall of the West. And is an internal struggle on the horizon?
Using nuclear weapons in Ukraine would be difficult and risky for Russia.
This lull before the next phase of a long attritional campaign will be a test of Ukrainian resolve, Russia’s ability to resupply, and the West’s strategic patience.
There remains a significant danger the conflict falls off the international radar, or that Western leaders waver as the conflict drags on.
As terrible images from Bucha and other Ukrainian towns are shown around the world, Russian authorities continue to frame their invasion as a fight for their country’s survival.
The West bears part of the blame for Ukraine’s suffering. The least it can do is to rebuild the country, ensure a pathway to EU membership and provide a future guarantee of security.
Putin resembles more a Russian ultranationalist with a shaky grasp of history than a pragmatic master strategist. The West must assume his ambitions are loftier than ever before.
Given the disconnect between Russia and the US and its NATO allies, it is puzzling why the talks happened at all, and what might possibly be gained from them.
This could have been a feisty exchange between two adversaries. But the summit was a calm affair, with each side hoping their hostile relationship could be ratcheted down a notch or two.
The U.S. is not the only country worried about foreign influence over its elections. Australia is concerned too, and taking steps Americans could learn from.
A cloud continues to hover over Russian interference in the US presidential election.
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