- Associate Professor of International Relations, University of Trieste
Over the past decade, India has come to see the Horn of Africa as a primary theatre of influence.
Djibouti est une république présidentielle dotée d'un système multipartite, mais le pouvoir politique y est fortement centralisé.
La présence de Téhéran dans la Corne de l'Afrique et la mer Rouge est sélective et opportuniste.
Tehran’s presence in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea is selective and opportunistic.
Somaliland’s growing strategic relevance masks its unresolved internal divisions.
Djibouti est une république présidentielle dotée d'un système multipartite, mais le pouvoir politique est fortement centralisé.
Djibouti is a presidential republic with a multiparty system, but political authority is highly centralised.
The Red Sea region has become a showcase of the new alliances shaping global power and influence.
Sudan’s war has triggered a massive displacement crisis, with more than 14 million people forced to flee their homes.
Sudan’s conflict didn’t break out because of the UAE and Saudi Arabia – but local actors felt able to go to war because of external support.
The Red Sea region holds geopolitical importance and has become an arena where local and global interests play out.
Turkey’s investment in Somalia is driven by regional and domestic security considerations.
Only Paul Kagame will decide when he exits Rwanda’s political stage.
Kigali wants to be seen as a reliable security provider at home and abroad.
The persistence of the Al-Shabaab terror group has convinced Turkey it needs to provide more active military support in Somalia.
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