The government doesn’t need to extend jurisdictions, or boost enforcement powers to prosecute corporations that have behaved dishonestly. The law for prosecution is there already.
- Emeritus Professor in Law and Criminal Justice, Adelaide University
Aussie Farms’ have map showing locations where farms or producers treat animal cruelly has caused outrage with many claiming it is illegal. So, what does the law actually say about this?
Tempted to take your gear off at the beach this summer? Here’s what you need to know about nudity and the law to keep yourself … covered.
It’s time the Australians who voiced vociferous opposition to war in general and conscription in particular were commemorated as an important part of our history.
After a spate of sewing needles being found in strawberries, the federal government has moved quickly to tighten penalties for those who sabotage fruit. But it is unlikely to be a strong deterrent.
Shield laws are meant to help investigative journalists do their work, but significant loopholes remain.
It is hard to know whether metadata retention has been effective or necessary. We can only hope that the debate over accessing and analysing encrypted services is a little more enlightening.
Simply having an offence of industrial manslaughter on the statute books cannot by itself lower workplace death rates.
We need to ensure we do not sacrifice our liberty in the pursuit of a goal that is at best ineffective and at worst counterproductive.
The delegation of authority to police to assess their own use of force is no longer something that can be applied solely on trust.
In Australia, far fewer people are killed by police firearms than in the US – there are clear ways to ensure we never go down that path.
There is not a skerrick of evidence that the Trump plan is workable.
Actor Craig McLachlan has launched defamation proceedings against publishers over sexual harassment allegations. Here’s what that means for McLachlan and his accusers.
As difficult as it is to concede, lone-actor, grievance-fuelled violence cannot be solved simply by tightening justice processes.
We need to redirect government spending on crime prevention to programs and policies that the research tells us are most effective.
In a recent report highlighting ‘shortcomings’ in security and welfare services in offshore detention, six terabytes of data was ‘missing’. Don’t expect to see it any time soon.
Australia needs to be very careful not to allow the bail system to become a political scapegoat at the hands of commentators exercising 20/20 hindsight.
Academic analysis is often ignored – and this is an indictment not of readers, but of academics.
The use of surveillance cameras raises difficult issues for the law in balancing privacy with exposure that is in the public interest – and perhaps it’s time that balance was reviewed.
Legislating against racial and religious vilification is highly fraught, as the ongoing debate around Section 18C has demonstrated, and unlikely to become less so any time soon.
The legal status of private security staff is, for the most part, decidedly uncertain.
Police are important, but not sufficient, in the crime-reduction effort. I have enormous faith in their abilities, but that doesn’t necessarily mean we need more of them.
The spotlight is on a 2013 decision to grant bail to Man Haron Monis, the man responsible for the Lindt Cafe siege a year later. It must be hoped risk-averse politicians can avoid knee-jerk responses.
After saying he was ‘deeply suspicious’, a judge cleared a man of child pornography offences. We need to understand the standard of proof to make sense of verdicts, including AFL rulings on doping.
The death of a 23-year-old boxer and the lifting of cage-fighting bans in every state but Western Australia raise the question of why we allow violence that would be criminal outside a ring or cage.
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